Jeju April 3rd Uprising: Evaluation.
By Dr. Sung-Soo Kim
Introduction
From the 1960’s even until recently,
Therefore, before we contemplate the bright and peaceful vision of this island in the future, let us look into the deep wounds of the islanders’ past, because the past is never dead, but lives with the present and future ceaselessly. If we neglect to come to terms with the wrongdoings of the past, how can we build a just and peaceful future? In this regard, in order to understand the Jeju Sasam Uprising, it is necessary to look at the historical and social background of
Historical and Social Background of Jeju before the Uprising
Since there were direct passenger boats between Jeju Island and Japan from the 1920’s onward, the people of Jeju were able to work and study in Japan more easily than other Koreans. Considering that the 1920’s were the heyday of Taisho Democracy in
One fruit of this burning educational eagerness of the returnees was the number of schools that were established on
Until relatively recently, the Sasam Uprising was not openly discussed in public. For nearly half a century, the people of Jeju had to refrain from talking about this incident, keeping the truth hidden, because they were targets of brutal persecution by their own government. These people were victims of ruthless ‘red-hunters’ and McCarthyism, and were treated like communist rebels, rather than given comfort, compensation and restitution of their honor. Since the Korean peninsular was a focal point of the Cold War, divided between the communist north and rightwing south, no one even dreamt of finding out what really happened in the Sasam Uprising. Therefore, even at this late stage, it is important to examine how and why the Uprising took place on
The Causes and Development of the Uprising
The start of events which led to the Sasam Uprising was the demonstration which took place on
As a protest against these ruthless gunshots, the people of Jeju went on a general strike. Including even corner shop merchandisers, 95% of the Jeju people joined in this general strike. In order to smash the strikers, AMGIK dispatched notorious rightwing gangsters and the former Japanese collaborators of the Korean police. They menaced, intimidated and committed outrages against the civilians.
Furthermore, AMGIK made a general roundup of the ordinary people, and then detained 2,500 of them on suspicion of being demonstrators and participants in the general strike. Three detainees lost their lives due to brutal torture, and this enraged the people of Jeju almost to the point of explosion. Then, to add insult to injury, the rightwing gangsters raped village girls.
Finally, at two a.m. on April 3rd 1948, three hundred and fifty armed men and women attacked twelve police boxes plus rightwing groups, making the following demands: to stop oppressive measures against the Jeju people, to abolish plans to establish a government of only half the country (South Korea) by election in South Korea only, and to establish one government of a unified Korea, through general elections which included North Korea.
However, in retaliation to this attack and demand, AMGIK took an even more hard line policy. AMGIK tried to catch the attackers of the police boxes and rightwing groups, but when they could not do so, they killed even parents or siblings of the suspected attackers, in orders words, innocent people.
In all, during the period of the uprising from 1948 to 1954, 10 % of Jeju’s population (approximately 30,000 people) were slaughtered, and of those victims 21.1% were women, 5.6% were children and 6.2% were over 60 years old.[2] Even AMGIK estimated that the number of the armed rebels was a maximum of only 500 people.[3] Yet more than 60 times the number of ‘suspected rebels’, 30,000 people, became the subjects of the “kill all, burn all and starve all” policy of AMGIK and later on the Syngman Rhee regime.
When the Korean War broke out in 1950, the Syngman Rhee regime again made a general roundup of former ‘converted rebels of
Evaluation of the Uprising
As we have seen above, under the Cold War in the Korean peninsular, any leftwing motivated resistance was regarded as ‘Communists riots’. Yet at the same time, any brutal suppression conducted by the army and the police against civilians was justified and advocated as simple ‘self-defense’ in the name of national security.
Eventually, once the Cold War had ended and civil government had been established, the truth of the Sasam Uprising gradually began to emerge publicly from 2000. It is true that the Sasam Uprising was initiated by leftwing leaders as a protest against the killing of the six innocent people by the police, but due to the frantic reaction and overwhelming discrimination of the army, police and rightwing groups against the ordinary people of Jeju, even those ordinary people came to sympathize with the leftwing leaders. Correspondingly diehard paranoid rightwing groups even more ruthlessly persecuted those ordinary people. In this respect, the Sasam Uprising was a microcosm of the polarized leftwing and rightwing clash in the Korean peninsular in the 20th century.
During the Uprising, the people of
Therefore, I evaluate the Sasam Uprising from the perspective of a human rights movement rather than as part of the national security or ideological spectrum. The Sasam Uprising was a shameful example of ‘the end justifies the means.’ Therefore, what I emphasize is that impinging on fundamental human rights cannot be justified in the name of any ideology or national security.
According to AMGIK, “the program of mass slaughter” of the Jeju people was conducted of necessity. From AMGIK’s point of view, the massacre was vital to establishing a US supported puppet government in
From the beginning of the Uprising, AMGIK preferred instant suppression by bloodshed to any kind of peace treaty with the rebels. On
Two months after the Uprising, on June 19 and June 22 1948 respectively, Committee Members for Jeju Island in both Gwangju and Seoul presented petitions to the Head of the Jeju Police Headquarters, senior officials of AMGIK and the Korean Committee in the UN, in order to stop torture, terror, bloodshed and suppression of the Jeju people and to promote finding a peaceful means to resolve the Uprising.[6] Moreover, on
AMGIK entirely ignored these petitions and took an even more hard line policy of suppression against the people of Jeju. What is worse, Syngman Rhee also followed the same hard line, if not an even harder one. Rhee’s only concern was strengthening his political power base within
Ending Remark
In a worldly sense, the Sasam Uprising was a total failure, tragedy and disaster under the post war super power leadership of AMGIK and autocratic regime of Syngman Rhee. However, it is worthwhile to focus for a moment on the peace treaty attempt that was made by Kim Ik-Yeol, Head of the 9th regiment, and Kim Dal-Sam, leader of the rebels, on
Only through reconciliation and cooperation can we eradicate confrontation and disruption, not only within the Korean peninsular but also in
Now
Thank you.
[1] Cummings, Bruce. The Origins of the Korean War 2, pp.202-203.
[2] Daehan Daily,
[3] Seo, Jung-Seok. Study of the Contemporary National Movement in Korea 2: 1948-1950 Democracy, Nationalism and Anti-Communism, Historical Critics Publishing Co., 1996, p.175).
[4] Park, Chan-Sik. The Executions of Jeju Sasam Related Prisoners during the Korean War, p.20, p.30.
[5] Kim, Ik-Yeol. “Posthumous Works: Truth of Sasam”, The Sasam Talks 2 (Seoul: Jeonyae-won, 1994), pp.129~130.
[6] Chosun Ilbo,